Be-Weare of EmDo

Since I was the person who invoked the word "vigilante" in the David Souter debate, I wish to correct something in Matt Labash's otherwise fine "Evicting David Souter" (Feb. 13). He correctly points out that vigilantism is using illegal means to render justice. He then states incorrectly that what Logan Darrow Clements proposes is legal. Two New Hampshire statutes apply to Clements's proposal. The first law states that private funds may not be used to fund a public trust fund; the second says that eminent domain may not be applied punitively or in bad faith. Clements's actions are illegal in two very specific ways.

The voters of Weare, New Hampshire, are well versed in political shenanigans, which is why the amended version of Clements's proposal (what the town will vote on) was passed unanimously (out of nearly 150 voters). When the moderator called for the nays, we heard silence. It was a miraculous moment and a demonstration of democracy at its finest.

We in New Hampshire see guys like Clements every day, and we are immune to it. New Hampshire voters are more than politically astute; we are geniuses. That's why we deserve to have the first primary and why Clements's absurd proposal never stood a chance.

Joe Fiala
Weare, N.H.

Matt Labash responds: While I am always hesitant to argue with geniuses, even self-proclaimed ones, a few of Joe Fiala's stipulations warrant rebuttal. Whether or not private funds may be used to start a public trust fund, suggesting the proposal is "illegal" on those grounds is a moot technicality, since the warrant article was nonbinding in the first place. It was merely intended to demonstrate support for taking Souter's property.

Fiala also claims, as one of the "two very specific ways" that Clements's crusade is illegal, that "eminent domain may not be applied punitively or in bad faith." Not too specific, it turns out. When I asked Fiala to specify which statute he was referring to, he replied: "I quickly Googled [the New Hampshire Revised Statutes]. It's in there somewhere." After not finding it, I asked him to be more specific. He reviewed his notes, writing back: "I may have misunderstood the advice of our attorney regarding a statute pertaining to 'bad faith.'"

While we're splitting hairs over statutes, Fiala may want to review the legality of the rewritten article that he and his cronies forced down the gullets of the Weare electorate. It now asks that eminent domain powers not be used to take David Souter's home. Under the New Hampshire constitution's bill of rights, the "right of revolution," set forth in Article 10, mandates that government be "instituted for the common benefit, protection, and security, of the whole community, and not for the private interest or emolument of any one man."

Even more curious is Fiala's claim that the actions he and his allies took by rewriting the warrant article represented "democracy at its finest." Democracy typically involves putting something to a vote. Fiala and friends sought to suppress a vote by not letting the warrant article reach the ballot, perhaps fearing its passage. Fiala is to be commended that he, like Clements, opposes eminent domain abuse. But, as Clements has recently written, "Is it unjust to demand that those in power live under their own rulings? What could be a more fitting approach to countering their unjust law and rulings than simply to demand that they live under those very laws and rulings themselves? . . . David Souter, whose net worth is estimated to be between $5 million and $25 million . . . can easily afford to hire lawyers. Homeowners nationwide, however, are losing their life savings paying legal bills to defend their homes against eminent domain actions."

Media: Biased or Stupid?

Hugh Hewitt scoffs at the Columbia School of Journalism ("The Media's Ancien Régime," Jan. 30) for focusing on analytical and research skills instead of addressing the overriding problem of media bias. Having studied reporters' attitudes and coverage, I have found that much misreporting that is attributed to "bias" reflects an inability to judge the empirical data that are typically used to buttress policy arguments. This in turn rests on a failure to understand not just scientific method but systematic and analytical thinking in general. Granted, clearer thinking will not eliminate all bias, but even well-meaning reporters will never transcend their unconscious ideological assumptions until they learn to follow the numbers and the arguments.

S. Robert Lichter
Statistical Assessment Service George Mason University
Washington, D.C.